"Ijaw ethnic nationality of the Niger Delta within the Nigerian state is scattered across six states -- Ondo, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers and Akwa Ibom States. The Ijaws are a nation of more than fourteen million people in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, the most populous indigenous inhabitants of the Niger Delta and constitute the fourth largest ethnicity within the borders of Nigeria.
Since the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantity in Oloibiri (Ijawland) in 1958, oil companies such as Shell (Anglo/Dutch), AGIP (Italian), Elf (French) and Chevron (American) have colluded with the military and successive governments of Nigeria in war of economic exploitation, environmental degradation, and of internal colonialism.
Nigeria is Africa's leading oil producer and the world's seventh largest exporter. Nearly all its 2.5 million barrels a day production comes from the Niger Delta and nearby offshore oilfields. Ijaws are the dominant tribe in the southern delta region, which accounts for nearly all of Nigeria's daily oil exports. Some members of the Ijaw ethnic group in the oil-producing Niger Delta region who seek greater local autonomy continued to commit serious abuses, including killings and kidnappings.
Organizations like the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), the Movement for the Survival of Ijaw Ethnic Nationality (MOSIEN), and Ijaw Youth Council have been at the fore of popular mobilization in the Niger Delta. Since the implosion of MOSOP, Ijaw youths have increasingly taken center stage. Ijaw youth groups are leading a struggle for the right to share their land's oil wealth. They have organised into groups, the most daring being the Egbesu Boys of Bayelsa, the Chicoco Movement, the Ijaw Youth Council, Federated Niger Delta Ijaw communities and the Niger Delta Volunteer Force. Several splinter groups have turned to extortion, hijacking, sabotage and kidnapping for private gain. Many of the Ijaw youths who are fighting are also idlers for whom violence has become a source of daily entertainment.
The Ijaw National Congress is involved in the struggle to achieve cultural change and free the people of the Niger Delta, and the Ijaws in particular from decades of environmental pollution, corporate violence, unjust socio-economic structure and political oppression
The Egbesu Boys and the other Ijaw youths who are sabotaging oil installations issued an ultimatum called Kaiama Declaration on December 11, 1998. The Ijaw Youth Congress demanded the immediate withdrawal from Ijawland of all military forces of occupation and repression by the Nigerian State. Any oil company that employs the services of the armed forces of the Nigerian State to "protect" its operations will be viewed as an enemy of the Ijaw people. It has expressed solidarity with other peoples organisations and ethnic nationalities in Nigeria who are struggling for self-determination and justice, notably the O'odua Peoples Congress (OPC), the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), and the Egi Women's Movement.
Police and military personnel used excessive and sometimes deadly force in the suppression of civil unrest and interethnic violence, primarily in the oil and gas regions of the country, where there has been an upsurge in confrontations between increasingly militant youths, oil companies, and government authorities. For example, in December 1998, about 4,000 Ijaw activists met and issued the "Kaiama Declaration," which demanded that all government armed forces withdraw from Ijaw areas, that oil companies stop all production by December 30, and emphasized that the Delta region belonged to the Ijaw. In response to a perceived threat, the Government deployed additional armed forces in Bayelsa State and declared a state of emergency there. The state of emergency was lifted on January 4, 1999. At least 20 Ijaw died in the clashes between Ijaw youth protesters and military troops in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State between December 30 and January 4. On January 4, soldiers killed at least four civilians in Delta State in the Niger Delta region after attacks on oil production facilities by members of the surrounding communities. On January 6, the military commandeered privately owned helicopters that normally are leased to foreign oil companies and used these helicopters to quell community protests in two Ijaw villages in Delta State by allegedly firing indiscriminately at villagers from the helicopters. Official figures indicate that security forces killed approximately 35 persons before the state of emergency protests in Bayelsa and Delta States ended on January 10; there were some reports of higher figures. No one has been held accountable.
Disgruntled military officers, serving and retired, are said to be providing the growing 'private armies' with sophisticated weapons, which seriously threaten the country's budding democracy.
Mujahid Dokubo-Asari, who heads the Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force, is seen as a folk hero by many poor residents who complain they've never shared in the country's oil wealth. Dokubo-Asari claims to be fighting for self-determination in the region and greater control over oil resources for more than 8 million Ijaws. The NDPVF says it is seeking a better deal for the Ijaw people, the largest tribe in the Niger Delta which accounts for most of Nigeria's oil production. But the government says it is nothing more than a criminal gang which finances itself by stealing oil from pipelines and selling it clandestinely to tankers offshore.
The NDPVF vowed to begin a new offensive on 1 October 2004, dubbed "Operation Locust Feast." It said this would target oil workers unless multinational companies pumping oil in the Niger Delta shut down production. However, the group said it would not try to damage the oil installations themselves. After the militants' declaration of war, international oil prices on Tuesday shot up to more than US $50 a barrel for the first time ever as traders worried about supplies from Nigeria.
Dokubo-Asari said his armed rebellion would be called off if agreement were reached with the government on his group's key demands. These are greater autonomy for the Niger Delta and more control over the region's oil wealth for the people who live there."
A Foundation...
"If the Ijaw nation had what the Palestinians
have…the federal government and the international community would be on
their knees begging for summits, memoranda of understanding, peace and peace
treaties…For the Ijaws therefore, the time has come to rethink her
relationship with Nigeria; to rethink her place within the federating state
of Nigeria; to take stock of her lot since October 1, 1960. If Nigeria and
the rest of the country don't give a care about the Ijaws - why should the
Ijaws care about what happens to Nigeria?"
- S.O Abidde
"Still, it is not too late for the state and federal government to come forth with measurable plan of action to alleviate the prevailing madness, neglect, exploitation and abandonment of the Ijaws and Ijawland. The entrenched situation is not just of local concerns; it has international implications, too. In fact, the Nigerian government should treat this as a national and international security concern. Nobody wants political instability. Nobody wants a return to the 1966-70 era. Or, do we?" - S...O Abidde
We stand in the middle of the road without attempting to cross right or left; we stand at the base of the mountain and make no attempt at climbing it; we stand at the shore of the ocean and make no attempt to swim across it. We won't dance, but provide the music and the ground for others to dance while we watch. Why are we afraid and what are we afraid of? What is holding us and keeping us from trying? Why are we satisfied with our lot in life; or, could it be that we are satisfied with all the crumbs that trickle down to us at the bottom of the valley? My people - it is time to shake off this apathy, this inertia, this state of unconsciousness, and this lackadaisical attitude off of our body and off of our soul.
I have always wondered: where do the Ijaws belong? Where do we belong? What is our destiny? Why do we remain part of a republic that treats us like a broken piece of glass? What makes us carry the cross our neighbors have forced us to bear? Why do we, with our eyes closed, turn the other cheek for unnecessary slaps and abuse? Why are we the way we are? Why?
Our fellow Nigerians do not care about us and do not take us seriously because they think we are in a state of stupor. Why should anyone care about us? Why should they pay attention to our misery and sufferings? Why should they care when they can pay off a couple of our so-called leaders and then agree to a few nonsensical demands from some of our rowdy youths? Unless great care is taken, the day may come when we (the Ijaws) would be tenants in our own homes. The day may come when we will be hired-hands in our own farmlands and waterways. The day may come when we would be messengers in our own villages. The day may come when even our own children will be refugees and foreigners in the land of their ancestors -- unless great care is taken; and taken now! My people: it is time to wake up!
Historically, we have never been dominated by an outside force. We have never been subjugated. And because of that we seem not to have a fighting spirit. We seem not to know how to come together under a unifying leader or leadership and fight for a common cause. But instead, we have always had intra-ethnic or clannish squabbles. For much of our history therefore, the outsiders have always left us alone. And so it is that we go about our lives as though nothing has gone awry, and as though nothing is at stake. That is a false feeling. We are being left behind in the human and economic development process.
Our resources are being carted away without adequate and just compensation. Our land is being milked without any benefit going to our women and children. Our waterways are being polluted and our traditional means of livelihood poisoned. In unseen ways and manner, our culture and our way of life is being adulterated. We may be left with nothing if we allow the current bastardization and marginalization to continue unchecked.
If we want to destroy our own future, well then, let's do it ourselves instead of the outsiders coming in to do it for us. And is we want progress, we must start the process ourselves since the outsiders won't come in to jump-start growth for us. My people: who amongst you want to be the one to explain to future generation why we were lazy and irresponsible in our handling of our collective affairs? Who amongst you want to explain to them why we allowed outsiders into our homes to pillage, poison, and abuse us?
The outsiders stole from us; but never in the same proportion as the current larceny that is going on. We would have suffered more neglect, more abuse, and abandonment but for the oil and other natural resources on our land. We have the oil; yet we are treated like scourge (in Nigeria). You look at our land and our people and you begin to wonder whether God and time has forgotten us.
The excuse of successive federal government has been that we have a very harsh and difficult terrain. Difficult…difficult in what sense? Why come to our land if the topography of our land is harsh? Well then, leave our oil and other resources alone. Otherwise, invest in our youths, invest in our women and invest in our land - invest some time and money in human and economic development. Our people need passable roads and bridges as are found in Lagos; decent housing estates as are found in Oyo State; we need hospitals and clinics as are found in Kaduna; well constructed public schools as are found in Niger States; and we also need electricity, and portable water as are found in Bauchi State. But most of all, invest in our people's health and education.
We don't have clean water to
drink so we die of water-borne diseases. Now fellow Nigerians, did you know
that in my part of the country, people bath and drink from the same river?
And as I told you not too long ago:
"…if they have bowel movement, they go to the same river to defecate. From the same river! Rivers are for swimming, and fishing, and to be used as a mode of transportation - not for "shitting-shaving-bathing-and drinking." Sad, isn't it? But, that is the stark reality of the lives of the Ijaws in Nigeria. How could we, as a nation and as a people let this happen? We milk their land, we milk all their resources and then abandon and throw them in the gutter…"
http://nigeriaworld.com/articles/2003/mar/073.html
We the Ijaws, about 14-million in all, are like the Kurds, spread over five or six states; however, the majority of our people live in Bayelsa State. The Ijawland land has no modern amenities. Living condition is dismal and subhuman. Is the life of an average Ijaw man, woman, or child better off today (2003) under Governor Alamieyeseigha than it was in the days of Alfred Diete-Spiff (1967-1975) and Melford Okilo (1979-1983)? Is our land better off today than in the days of Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun Obasanjo, Shehu Shagari, Sanni Abacha and Ibrahim Babangida? Is it? All the so-called developments are cosmetic in nature. No proper foundation has ever been laid for immediate or future development. There is nothing substantial to point to.
Even so, government can not do it alone. We must find a way out of our agony; and out of our misery and sufferings. If we have to go to war against the federal government of Nigeria and against the multinational corporations that are polluting our land, exploiting our people, stealing from us and keeping us in perpetual poverty, well, so be it. We must find a way out of our miserable conditions and if we have to secede in other to achieve this aim, well, so be it. We feed our nation and other nations of the world; yet, our people and our land go hungry and thirsty. Why manner of injustice is this?
Every woman, child and man in Ijawland must understand that our current strategy of unorganized mayhem against the government and oil companies will not work. It is especially shameful that we have this ongoing fracas against the Itshekiris. It is a stupid and meaningless war. We gain nothing by going to war against our own neighbors and against our brethren. We have coexisted, peaceful, with the Itshekiris and the Urhobos. They are not our problems; they are not our enemies; they are not the ones stealing from us. They are not the one scheming to keep us in eternal bondage. Therefore, we must stop these fratricidal wars.
What excuse does the current government have in not providing first-rate leadership? What excuse does the governor have in not providing public infrastructures and an enabling environment? What excuse do we - individually and collectively -- have in not returning home to help develop our land? What excuse do we, those of us in the Diaspora have in not going back home to lead or work hand-in-hand with our people in the political, social and economic arena? How far and fast can we run trying to get away from our land? The world is not big enough to hide, folks.
Could it be that those of us in the Western World are wicked and selfish and uncaring about our destiny, posterity and about our people? Whenever we have calls for financial assistance to help our people back home - more often than not - all you get is a deafening silence. A few people usually respond, but that's about it. Must people like Titoe Miriki, Ebipamone Nanakumo, and Lawrence Dariah, Alamene Hermon, Godfrey Okoro and a few selfless individuals go on bended knees, begging and pleading, before we contribute our "widow's mite"? What is it with us? Damn! What is our problem; that we are unable to contribute a dollar here and a dollar there just to alleviate the miserable condition the vast majority of our people live in? Common - we must be ashamed of ourselves for not doing much more.
But, all is not lost. Soon, very soon, we will have the opportunity to redeem ourselves as the IJAW FOUNDATION come into being. It behooves every Ijaw man and woman (everyone over the age of 17) to contribute THEIR TIME AND MONEY to this gallant and noble cause. It is expected to serve as one of the vehicles for our emancipation. The IJAW FOUNDATION is being organized to "to facilitate human, material and capital development among the Ijaws of the Niger Delta of Nigeria; to protect, preserve and promote quality of life in Ijawland; provide education and training; cultural and environmental awareness; enhance human rights, intra-regional and interregional cooperation; and to support the development and modernization of Ijawland." For further information please visit the Foundation website (still under construction at): http://www.ijawfoundation.org/goals.php
For the time being however, please subscribe to an Internet forum that has been, for some time now, the meeting ground for Ijaws in the Diasporas. Please subscribe by sending an email to Mr. Godfrey Okoro at globecrier@hotmail.com (with your full name and a very brief note on how you are connected to the land of our ancestors). Your Ijaw brothers and sisters will heartily welcome you. So, please come on in…and join us. Wherever you may be - in Yenagoa, Agbere, Ghana, Berlin, Abuja, the UK, in Asia or North America - we are one and the same. We are connected by blood and by the land of our ancestors; a land now in our temporary possession but for the use of future generations.
And so, wherever you may be, I greet you. I greet you in the name of our fathers and mothers in bygone eras; I greet you in the name of all those brave men and women who continue to watch over us and whose presence can be felt in our part of the world. I greet you and I greet you all. My brothers and sisters, wherever you may be, please keep the faith that some day soon we shall grab our future and map our collective destiny. May God in His infinite mercy bless us and guide us. May He set our eyes on the path to glory and righteousness; and may He grant our individual and collective wishes. Stay well, and be safe, my dear people."
Ijaws, Itshekiris, Urhobos And In Rivers State:
My People Are Killing My People
Sabella Abidde
"For centuries,
the Ijaws, the Itshekiris and the Urhobos have cohabited in relative
peace…Today however…they are killing off their offspring. They are degrading
and polluting their farmlands, water wells, and waterways with blood…They
are destroying bridges that took centuries to build…It's so sad; so sad to
see centuries of goodwill, centuries of brotherhood, centuries of
intermarriages, and centuries of tolerance and acceptance wash down the
drain…What a pity!" Abidde, 2003
The news coming out of the Delta region of Nigeria is grim. The killings;
the maiming; and the wanton destruction of property and lives are
heart-wrenching. Events in that part of the country, if left unchecked, may
rival the killing fields of Cambodia, or the Balkans.
The mayhem is unnecessary. The fratricidal wars are unnecessary; and the
heartless disregard for humankind is not only barbaric, but stupefying!
The Ijaws are my people; so are the Itshekiris and the Urhobos. Until very
recently, it was difficult for an outsider to tell the difference between
the three groups. They are brothers and belong to the same group of family.
They share the same blood, the same waterways, and the same land. And so it
was that for ages they lived as one indivisible family - until now. And now
one group is killing members of the other group who then pay back in kind.
And while they are at it -- bickering and engaged in senseless struggles and
the avowed destruction of the other group - others reap the benefit of their
land and labor. As it is, the three groups live in a land that is very
harsh, a topography that is perhaps the most extracting and exerting in West
Africa.
I wonder if these groups have collective conscience. Whatever happened to
their sense of history, brotherhood and collective destiny? Whatever
happened to their humanity? Whatever happened to their collective lot in
life? Whatever happened to their collective struggles, pains and gains? Must
they engage in these sinful and injurious acts all because of political
power, political influence and natural resources? Must they succumb to the
manipulation of some depraved elites in their midst and to the exploitation
and indifferent attitude of successive governments?
Instead of the in-fighting and the killings, a better strategy would have
been to continue to cooperate and live in peaceful coexistence; form an
alliance against the duplicitous oil and multinational corporations and a
federal government that's been milking their marrow. But no, they are
deluded into thinking that the enemies are within. The only enemy within are
some fat cats and some elites fanning the flame of disunity and planting
seeds of distrust and destruction.
Well, the evil deed has been done; but I do not believe that all parties
have crossed the Rubicon. The doors of all three groups are still open to
allow their brothers and sisters in for a "makeup" session and for
confidence-building measures to take hold. And why not? After all, where are
the Urhobos going to relocate to should they refuse to live peacefully with
the Itshekiris? And the Ijaws and the Itshekiris; well, do they have any
other land they call home to relocate to? The Niger Delta is home…and is all
they have!
The Delta is the only home. Home is where you go to feel safe from the
marauders. Home is where you go to feel rested. Home is where you go when
the whole world is against you. Home is where you go to escape the
negativity of the outsiders, and home is where you go to feel the warmth and
love of your family. For the Niger Delta to continue to be home therefore,
all the groups must look beyond the atrocities that were committed in the
past and look to the future. Both groups should start talking to one
another. It is time to mend broken bones, help heal open sores and bleeding
hearts.
The Urhobos, Itshekiris and Ijaws in the Diaspora must come up with an
agenda of "forgiveness, unity and prosperity" to supplement whatever plans
are on the ground (back home). And if there are no plans (back home), well
then, those of us in the Diasporas should put our experiences, resources,
and goodwill to use. In other words - this is a call to Itshekiris, Urhobos
and the Ijaws in overseas to start communicating and come up with an agenda
for nation (re)building. I am ready. If you are ready…let's talk! If there
had been such an exercise in the past which failed, well, I would suggest
that we not give in to failure. If there is such an exercise going on right
at this moment, well then, I would like to be part of it not only because it
pains me to see my people killing my people, but also because it is the
right thing to do.
We the Itshekiris, we the Urhobos, and we the Ijaws in the Diaspora have a
duty to encourage peace, fairness, stability, respect and dignity amongst
our people in our homeland.
As if blind and unaware of the shameful and calamitous events between the
Ijaws, the Urhobos and Itshekiris - my people in Rivers States are at each
others throat killing, maiming, running amok, and painting our towns and
villages with blood, sweat, and human parts. Brothers are killing brothers;
and neighbors are killing neighbors. What does the future hold for my
people? As a friend who just returned from Nigeria put it:
"…the Warri case is a reference for all the groups across the country to
perfect their strategies in fortifying their local militia. God forbid, we
may be heading for the Liberia style scenario, all that is needed is a bold
and commanding warlord…"
Both the state and federal government must surely be aware of what is going
in the Delta. They cannot plead ignorance. I therefore boldly state that
both the state governments and the federal authority knew these atrocities
were going to happen before they occurred because every government has both
foreign and domestic intelligence services. The federal government of
Nigeria, I would suppose, would not only be concerned with external threats;
but would also be concerned with internal disturbances that are likely to
adversely affect its ability to govern. We have the Nigerian Police, the SSS,
Naval Intelligence, and a host of other intelligence services. How could any
or all of these bodies not have foreknowledge of such disturbances before
they actually occurred? How? Why?
Could it be that some state governors are involved in fomenting trouble?
Could it be that the federal government gains by the incessant mayhem in our
land? Could it be that it is to the benefit of some neurotic individuals to
have these brouhaha in the Niger Delta? Who are the elites manipulating
unsuspecting groups of youths to foment trouble?
Both the state and federal government of Nigeria should know that at the
pace things are happening in the Delta, that sooner or later, it would
engulf them, too; that their political and economic interests would come to
ruin; and that they will pay the price - individually and collectively;
publicly and privately; as both private citizens and as government
functionaries -- when the bonfire erupts. There are grave but unintended
consequences to all evil machinations!
In as much as I suspect the manipulative and dribbling hands of Abuja,
elites and state governments in these matters, I also hold some of our
youths responsible in these affairs. How could they, and why would they
allow themselves to be used as instrument for destroying their own land and
for killing their own people? Why
What is the matter? Is it hopelessness and frustration, or did all these
come about because of a lack of self-worth and self-esteem? Is it because of
illiteracy and lack of awareness? Or, could it be that our boys and girls
don't appreciate their lives, their land and their people? Why? Why have
they engaged themselves in these never-ending battles?
While we kill our brothers and sisters, the outsiders are laughing at us;
while we are busy destroying our infrastructures, the oil companies are busy
milking our resources; while we are busy maiming our neighbors, the federal
government is busy mortgaging our future; while we are busy holding grudges,
our manipulative elites are busy lining their Swiss bank accounts with
dollars, yens and pound sterling. Their children are in American and
European universities, in business and in the corridors of power while we
are busy fighting and killing off our children…roaming the dark alleys of
Abuloma, Okrika, Warri, Port Harcourt, Yenagoa, and the likes.
Why are we busy killing off our brothers and sisters? Could it be that the
life of the Okrikas are not as worthy as the life of a Nupe? That the life
of an Urhobo girl is cheaper than that of the Tiv girl? Are you telling me
that a Fulani teenager should live a more prosperous life compared to a
teenager from Abuloma? Or, perhaps the Ijaws and the Itshekiris should be
thankful for a life that's to be lived in perpetual penury?
Tell me…you militaristic, careless and self-destructive Deltans -- tell me:
what is your life, your future, your land and the life of your people
worth?"
Mr. Sabella Ogbobode Abidde.
Norman,
Oklahoma.
Sabidde@yahoo.com
THE IJAW NATIONAL CONGRESS (INC)
PRESS STATEMENT
THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN THE WARRI IJAWS
AND THE ITSEKIRIS/FEDERAL
GOVERNMENT
24th March, 2003.
"The INC and the Ijaw Elders and leaders of thought met to review the
current hostilities between the Ijaws and the combined invading force of the
Itsekiris and the Federal Government in the Escravos and Benin River (Egbema)
axis of Delta/Edo States. The INC is greatly disturbed by the open support
of the Itsekiris by the Federal Army in the ongoing invasion of the Ijaw
Communities rather than bringing the two warring groups to a round table
conference to restore peace. This is a dangerous development. The President
has in effect privatized the Nigerian Army in the discriminatory protection
of his kith and kin against the Ijaws. Indeed, the combined invasion of the
Ijaw communities is not surprising since Mr. President has remained
steadfast in his determination to teach the Ijaws, he so hates, the "final
lesson", the evil decimation of Odi, notwithstanding.
To complete his legacy of indelible lesson for the Ijaws, the President's
unholy ambition is further strengthened by the Yorubas, his kith and kin
through the pronouncements of their mouthpiece-the Afenifere. (a major actor
in one of the front line Ethnic Political Parties). The Afenifere on Page 7
of the This Day, the Sunday Newspaper, of the 23 rd March, 2003 threatened
in a noisy statement credited to the group's National Administrative
Secretary, to also teach the Ijaws the lesson of their lives on behalf of
their Itsekiri kith and kin. The INC wishes to remind the Afenifere that
cowardice is not in the character of the Ijaws nor are we as a people,
amused by the gaseous threats. The Ijaws have never been conquered in
history not even by the sophisticated invading forces of the colonial
powers. We are aware that the Afenifere's noisy threats:
"…This should be the last time the Itsekiris would
be subjected to such attacks. Any further attack on any Itsekiri man/woman
would attract the full wrath and fiery fury of the Yoruba Nation. Such
attack would be taken as touching the apple of Yoruba nation…"
can only make any meaning in the context of the
Federal Army led invasion ordered by the C-In-C of the Federal Armed Forces
who is interestingly also of the "Yoruba Nation".
The INC wishes to advise the Afenifere to act maturely in the current
outbreak of hostilities by supporting or initiating actions that could
quickly return normalcy to the Warri area that has seen so much wanton
destruction of innocent lives and property in recent years. The Ijaws have
no territorial ambition but we will NEVER allow any Group to displace us
from our land.
In conclusion, the INC calls on our Youths to stop all hostilities forthwith
to give peace a chance while we explore effective ways of addressing the
fundamental issue of voter registration imbalance deliberately skewed
against the majority Ijaws in the Warri South West Local Government Area.
Long Live the INC
Long Live the Ijaw Nation
Long Live the Federal Republic of Nigeria - Restructured."
Honoring Ijaw Heroes and Heroines: Celebrating Isaac Boro's Day
by Priye S.Torulagha
"The fact that Isaac Boro and
other heroes and heroines of Ijawland paid the ultimate price so
that the Ijaw nation shall be free reminds every Ijaw son and
daughter the significance of dedicating and committing patriotically
and unselfishly to the effort toward ethnic emancipation. It is
the only way in which true freedom can be achieved. Therefore, as
you gather to celebrate and honor their heroic deeds, promise to
make a difference by contributing positively to the effort.
In this regard, at the present juncture of the Ijaw struggle, it is heart-warming to realize that the Ijaws have achieved some victories. First, one of the greatest victories achieved is the reawakening of ethnic consciousness. In the past, the ethnic group was highly disjointed and disorganized, so much so that many Ijaw citizens were ashamed of identifying themselves as Ijaws. Some actually felt at home claiming to belong to other ethnic groups. Due to the reawakening or what might be characterized as the IJAW RENAISSANCE, the different parts of the nation have come together. Thus, Ijawland is no longer the three-headed monster. Instead, the Eastern, Central, and Western zones are mere geographic expressions of the same nation. A second very important milestone in the metamorphosis of Ijawland is the establishment of the Ijaw National Congress and the Ijaw Youth Council. A third milestone in the annals of Ijaw consciousness is the creation of Bayelsa State. A fourth glorious achievement is the conscious application of the resources of power to influence, lobby, and effect a change favorable to the ethnic group, instead of waiting for others to act favorably to the Ijaws. A fifth glorious victory is the realization that the resources of power must be appreciated, mobilized, and applied constantly without slacking down until total victory is achieved. The sixth element of victory is the growing inclination to speak with one voice on national issues that affect the ethnic nation. The seventh means of success is the increasing establishment, development, and growth of professionally structured civil society organizations capable of educating the public about critical issues and helping to influence both national and international opinion. The eight area of success is the germination and cultivation of respectable and recognizable national leaders who are capable of speaking with authority, vigor, and boldness. For these successes, congratulations Izon otu!
Despite these glorious successes, it is still premature and strategically self-defeating to sit back in a self-congratulatory or adulatory manner. The work is not finished yet. There is still so much to do. Isaac Boro was a tireless fighter for justice, therefore, there can be no greater way to honor him and other heroes and heroines of the land other than to either do or become aware of the following:
1. Set up a fund (THE PATRIOTS FUND) or a program to assist the children and immediate families of those who sacrificed their lives for the emancipation of Ijawland. During the civil war, many heroic fighters (Isaac Boro, Capt. Nothingham Dick, Capt Amangala, Lt Ekpebu, etc. gave their lives. As soon as they passed away, their children were neglected or abandoned or forced to take care of themselves. Since the Kaiama Declaration, many Ijaw youths on all the geographic zones have given up their lives. Again, their off-springs and immediate families are left to fend for themselves. Following the failure of the Maj. Gideon Orkar’s coup, many Ijaw patriots, including Capt. Empere and others paid with their lives. It should be reminded that they participated in the coup because they wanted to change the status quo in Nigeria. There is no doubt that their immediate families and children have been abandoned to their fate for lack of ethnic support or assistance. In the ongoing Warri conflict, thousands of Ijaw families are left to wander for lack of assistance. There is also no doubt that many Ijaws have lost their lives or maimed for demonstrating against the oil companies. Ethnic assistance to the victims has either been nonexistent or very negligible. As the mothers, wives, sisters, aunts etc. increasingly become active participants in the demonstrations and pickets against the oil companies, many of them have been physically harmed and some even killed. Again, the ethnic response to those in need has been very negligible.
Active participation in politics in the Fourth Republic, for the purpose of impressing upon the nation, the Ijaw question, has resulted in the deaths of many Ijaw citizens. The most notable are Chief Marshall Harry and Dikibo. There is a high probability that their families are being left to fend for themselves.
There is a need to create an ethnic based program to provide a means of rehabilitating the needy during crises or emergencies. This will help to mobilize more people for the struggle. Moreover, such a program can actually help to strengthen the resolve of the ethnic group to fight harder politically, legally, and otherwise. A fund or a program intended or designed for educational scholarships, small business investments, housing, medical care etc. would go a long way in alleviating the suffering that the children and immediate family members encounter due to the sudden death or physical incapacitation of their love ones during a struggle for ethnic emancipation.
2. A program, such as the “IJAW RED CROSS” or the “NIGER DELTA RED CROSS’ can help to mobilize personnel and resources during crisis or emergencies, instead of waiting on the Nigerian government for immediate assistance. The Ijaw Red Cross can be an effective tool for instituting a culture of self-reliance, self-maintenance and ethnic sustainability.
3. A third means for initiating a self-supporting and self-perpetuating fund or a program is for all Ijaw citizens and organizations to wholeheartedly support the IJAW FOUNDATION. The Ijaw Foundation is a programmatic major effort to set up and mobilize financial resources for various Ijaw needs. The Ijaw nation had never had such a comprehensive financial scheme before. If people donate generously to the Ijaw Foundation, the Foundation would be able to respond in times of need such as the ongoing refugee situation in Warri, after the Buguma, Bakana, and Okrika intra-communal feuds, during boat accidents, or help to build man-power needs such as educational programs and business investments.
4. Ijaw sons and daughters on all the three geographic zones should start to develop and cultivate the habit of donating money, resources, and talent for important community-based causes in their localities. So much can be achieved for rural road construction, pipe-borne water, water purification, small business development, the building of local libraries, town halls, and schools etc.
5. Ijaw public officials, both at the state and national levels ( governors, ministers, legislators, directors, military and police officers, and civil servants etc. can contribute more to the Ijaw cause by being a little more proactive. It is not an exaggeration to say that Ijaw public officials tend to be EXCESSIVELY NICE, TOO CONDESCENDING, TOO COOPERATIVE, AND TOO PASSIVE. Their eagerness to go along with national schemes even when opposition is sometimes more preferable, renders their effectiveness as representatives of their people very questionable. It should be noted that Ijaw sons and daughters have occupied some of the most important and critical governmental positions in Nigeria, including being the heads of the Navy and the Airforce, high-level naval and army commands, ministers, directors of important parastatal agencies etc. Yet, their impact on the people have been very negligible due to the failure to create opportunities for others to follow in their footsteps. Ijaw public officials do not create coat-tail effect on the Ijaw population. On the hand, the Hausas, Fulanis, Yorubas, Itsekiris, Igbos etc. are very effective in opening doors for their people through the coat-tail process. This is why even though the oil companies operate in the Niger Delta, most management and technical level employees of the oil companies are Yorubas and Igbos. Likewise, the two ethnic groups also dominate the national bureaucracies. Ijaw sons have had the opportunity of heading the NNPC, yet, not many opportunities were created to allow other Ijaws to join the NNPC and the oil companies.
Political officeholders from the ethnic group tend to behave as if they are beholden to some outside godfathers, hence, rarely speak forcefully on issues that affect their people. Due to the unwillingness to speak boldly on critical issues, Ijaw representatives are barely seen and not heard at all. Due to the GREAT SILENCE, the oil companies and the security forces are not afraid to use maximum force against any Ijaw citizens. This contributes to the high number of Ijaw deaths. If oil companies and security forces were to use excessive force in the North or West or South-East, at the slightest provocation, the representatives of these regions would speak very loudly to condemn the action. Ijaw public officials rarely make critical comments against federal government action. Instead, there is always an eagerness to negotiate from behind the scenes with the national players and the oil companies. It is obvious that the unwillingness to challenge the status quo greatly affects the Ijaw ability to influence national policy, to a large extent. The national players tend to view Ijaw public officials as ‘safe candidates,” that can be easily purchased or ignored without much political cost or financial expenditure. This accounts for the willingness of the national players to assassinate Ijaw leaders. They know they can get away with it by inviting some Ijaw big shots to Abuja for tete-a-tete and a promise of some Ghana Must GO Backs to make up for the execution.
It is generally those outside the government who speaks loudly and condemn actions that are violative of the peoples rights. Thank God, Ijawland have Chief Dappa Biriye, Dr. Sam Ebiye, Chief E. K. Clark, Comrade Evah, Festus Keyamo, Oronto Douglas, Felix Tuodolo, Samuel Owunaru and a host of other nongovernmental personalities who are not afraid to speak fearlessly, forthrightly, and loudly against governmental misadventures in Ijawland. It is necessary for Ijaw public officials to change their tactics and speak more frequently on issues. In this regard, it must be noted that Gov. Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State is now speaking more often. This is very crucial to forcefully express the Ijaw side of the matter in any national policy issue.
6. As the Ijaws celebrate and honor Isaac Boro and other heroes and heroines of the ethnic nation, it is also important to use this occasion to honor the living who have contributed so much to the Ijaw cause. The list is long but a few will do to remind everyone of the good deeds done by people like Chief E. P.Okoya, Chief E. K. Clark, Chief Dappa Biriye, Chief Diete Spiff, Chief Melford Okilo, Samuel Owunaru, Dr. Fiberesima, the former Commissioner of Health in the Rivers State who helped to stop the embezzlement of state funds by a military governor, Mr. Oronto Douglas, Mr. Nengi James, Comrade Evah, Mr, Bello, Felix Tuodolo, Mr. Titoe Miriki, Edwin Sawacha, Mr. Benatari Benaebi etc. the leaders of the Kaiama Declaration, Nabo Graham Douglas, Miss Ibiba DonPedro, Rowland Ekperi, the members of Supreme Egbesu, the Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Communities (FNDIC), the Ijaw Peoples Association of Great Britain, and a host of individuals, communities, and organizations etc.
7. This is a great moment for Ijaw people to reflect and commit to some change in their behaviors concerning jealousy. Jealousy is a human psychological phenomenon. It exists in every human society. It seems to be a major problem in Ijawland. There is a tendency for people to become jealous, hateful, antagonistic, and wish harm or negativity to those who have succeeded in live or in society. In other words, it is common for jealousy to raise its ugly head whenever a son or a daughter of the land succeeds in accomplishing a goal. Instead of wishing the person well or more success, there is a tendency to wish harm to the person through very sarcastic commentary and actions. This destructive psychological phenomenon affects relationships among individuals, families, villages, towns, and clans.
Jealousy and the fear of harm are two major reasons that have prevented many successful Ijaw sons and daughters from going home to build houses and invest in their villages and towns. There is always the fear that the effort to help by providing money to family members, villages, and towns would be rewarded with harm as those who get jealous of the successful individuals might try to bring them down through sarcastic comments and various negative means. As a result of the unpronounced fear of exposing the self to unwarranted harm, many successful Ijaws live and work in the urban areas of other ethnic groups and are very fearful of returning home. They are afraid of exposing themselves to harm.
Those who are very jealous often fail to realize that if the most successful ones in society are brought down, then the entire ethnic group cannot move forward because progress requires that the successful ones continue to move forward. By continuing to move forward, they enable the entire society to rise up also. Some Ijaws, due to a high degree of jealousy, even go as far as forming alliances with the outside detractors to bring down the progressive elements in Ijawland. During crises, some of those who have uncontrollable jealousies, often volunteer to serve as spies to the outside forces and enjoy having their brothers and sisters arrested, detained and or killed. When Isaac Boro launched his rebellion, there were many Ijaws who wished him not well. Some even pray for his death. There were those who even prayed against the ancestral forces. And when he died, millions of Ijaws cried for the betrayal. Millions of Ijaws are still mourning.
So, please, search your minds and clear them of any jealousy. This celebration should be used as an occasion to expunge this poison from the mind, so that the Ijaws do not become their worst enemies.
8. This occasion should also be used by the dedicated patriots to fine-tune their strategies and tactics so that their efforts are not hijacked by the plutocrats, sycophants, and oligarchs in Ijaw society. It is a fact that the phenomenon of “monkey dey work and baboon dey chop is still very prevalent in Ijawland. In other words, those who sacrificed so much to spearhead the struggle are often sidetracked by the opportunists when the moment of victory is at hand. As a result, it is always those who are not truly committed to the cause that often end up becoming leaders. Basically, using military terms, one can say that Ijaw activists are like generals who lead forces to the battle. They do everything right until when victory is near, then they become uncoordinated and are unable to achieve victory. It is important for patriots to be able to pursue the cause of the struggle to a very successful end without allowing or surrendering to the plutocrats, sycophants, and oligarchs. It is important for a struggle to be led and coordinated to the very end by those who initiated the effort from the beginning so that the level of commitment can remain very high.
9. Finally, in honor of Isaac Boro and all those who have paid the ultimate price for the freedom of Ijaw people, a permanent way to celebrate this occasion would be to launch an autobiographical book titled THE HEROES AND HEROINES OF IJAWLAND. This should be a collective effort so that information can be obtained from every corner of the ethnic group. The book should be comprehensive, going far into history to seek out all those who have contributed, including those who resisted colonialism, fought against oppression, and contributed intellectually and creatively to the ethnic nation. The easiest way to accomplish this is to form a committee under the aegis of the Ijawnation website and let the committee gather information from the sons and daughters of the land. The Ijaw Foundation by-laws were written through this approach. The Vitamin A project too was started in this fashion. Those who have pertinent information can send brief write-ups with pictures or drawings. The book should be updated either annually or every two years.
This book will be particularly useful in socializing and making the young become aware of their heroic ancestors. It will help tremendously in strengthening ethnic solidarity.
May God bless the Ijaw Nation."
ICHR BRIEFING NOTE 1,
24TH MARCH, 2003
THE MANY
WORRYING WARS OF WARRI: SILENCE AND INACTION IS COLLUSION
INTRODUCTION
"One of the biggest military operation ever mounted in peace time Nigeria
against civilian population got underway most of last week in OKERENKOKO and
Gbaramatu, two oil rich Ijaw communities in the Warri South West Local
Government Area of Nigeria Niger Delta.
Six gunboats, nine armoured fast attack boats, sixty-three open passenger
type (uncovered) speed boats and five armoured tans were moved into the
creeks with the mandate of “ opening the water ways for navigation and
uninterrupted flow of economic activities.” The military hardware were
complemented by one thousand, five hundred soldiers drawn from the 7th
battalion also know as David Ejoor barracks located in Effurun, near Warri,
Delta state. Naval personnel from the western naval command and police
personnel from zone 5 are involved in this last scale military operation.
So far, seventy-two Ijaw youths and three soldiers are believed to have died
in this new round of confrontation in that part of the violent Niger Delta.
The number of the injured is yet to be ascertained. Three Itsekiri and two
Ijaw communities have been destroyed. There is palpable fear that this
invasion is scripted and implemented along the lines of past military
onslaught carried out by the president Obasanjo’s administration. Six months
after the regime came into power in may 1999, it ordered federal troops
under the command of Col. Agbabiaka to
destroy Odi town. Over two thousand people were killed, in what is known as
the Odi Genocide. Elsewhere, in Zakibiam, Benue state, a similar attack had
been carried out leaving over two hundred civilians killed in 2001.
The ICHR is constrained to issue this BRIEFING NOTE as a first response to
the military abuse to which the Nigerian military is being subjected even as
we observe the increased corporatization and subordination of our nations
military to Oil Companies We note also the use of the military for purely
economic and ethnic agenda and the failure of successive leaders within our
polity to build a truly national security defense system aimed at fighting
poverty, underdevelopment, environmental despoliation and ignorance. A
nation that abandons and abuses a segment of its population because they are
a minority may ultimately reap the whirlwind of frustration, hopelessness,
anger, desperation, and resistance.
The many worries of Warri are rooted in our inability as a country and as a
people to settle the myriad of contradictions traceable to our colonial
inheritance; greedy and careless economic adventurist and a visionless elite
who have violently appropriated the leadership for a on behalf of a few to
the detriment of the minority of our people regardless of ethnic identities.
The rain beats only the poor, the weak, and the helpless in the societies
governed by the hand of injustice.
BACKGROUND AND ISSUES
“Warri” as a town is used widely in this NOTE by the ICHR. The term includes
all communities in present Warri North and Warri South West Local Government
Areas of present Delta State. The area is mostly inhabited by Ijaw,
Itsekiris and Urhobos. Other Nigerians and foreigners there are attracted to
the place because of oil and gas, and the activities associated with these
two resources.
Intrigues, treachery, betrayals, political back-stabbing, economic
opportunism, ethnic and communal conflicts, oil violence and poverty are
some of the raw material that have been used in building the present edifice
called “Warri”. As a community, Warri does not stand alone in the problems
facing multi-ethnic societies any where in the world, what is baffling is
the refusal and reluctance of the Nigerian state to addressing the Warri
problem despite the numerous panels.
To date , the Ijaws of Ogbe-Ijoh have battled their Itsekiri neighbours
(1997) over the relocation of a local government head quarters from the Ijaw
community of Ogbe-Ijoh to the Itsekiri community of Ogidi-gben. The
Itsekiris have crossed swords with their Urhobo neighbours (2001 and 20003)
over land and governance issues. Also, the Ijaw and Urhobos had quarreled
over land in Aladja and at Gbarigolo and Esama areas in (1996).
Close studies of these conflicts shows that they are avertable and in at
least two instances, the Ijaws and Urhobos have averted conflicts in the
Bomadi area (1999).
Studies show the following as possible sources of conflict in the Warri
area.
The struggle for internal democracy and good governance.
The struggle for control, use, and management of resources.
Struggle and contest for land and space.
The struggle for economic dominance and control of economic institutions.
The corporate game of uninterrupted control of power and profit.
Oil, gas, and control of federal might.
Cultural and governance institution, location, and reallocations (for example the renaming of the “Olu of Itsekiri” to “Olu of Warri” in 1952 by the ACTION GROUP GOVERNMENT and the movement of the headquarters of Warri South West from Ogbe-Ijoh an Ijaw community to Ogidi-gben an Itsekiri community) is often cited as an example.
Environmental degradation.
Poverty and ignorance.
Silence of
the “International community”.
No serious
attempt on the part of government beyond the peace, conflict resolution and
justice projects carried out by groups and institutions such as: ACADEMIC
ASSOCIATES, IJAW YOUTHS COUNCIL, IJAW COUNCIL FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, CIVIL
LIBERTIES ORGANISATION (CLO), ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS ACTION (ERA). Peace and
justice programme of the Catholic Church among others.
THE PRESENT CRISES
It is easy to sit far away from the worrying Warri Conflicts and accept or
be seduced to accepting barefaced lies, half truths and misinformation from
all the parties; the oil companies (Chevron and Shell), the federal
government of president Obasanjo, some hired hack writers claiming to be
journalists, the Ijaws, Itsekiris and Urhobo propagandist bent on foisting
perpetual instability and violence in the region.
ICHR trace this new dimension to the Warri crises to the attempt by the
Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) to use the discredited, boycotted
and shamelessly gerrymandered electoral institutions to conduct the April
2003 elections in that part of the Niger Delta.
The story as told by the Ijaws is that the 1991 and other popular censuses
conducted since 1963 had affirmed that they are in majority in the area
generally now described as Warri South West but that successive governments
ignore this and forced the minority Itsekiri to lord over them. That they
have been doing this until it was corrected in 1997 but not implemented.
That wards are gerrymandered to favour the Itsekiri and that they have
continued to resist peacefully until the “relocation “ issues blew the lid
of peace out of their protest.
To the Itsekiris, the relocation was the violation of their rights, which
was effected by the military administrator of the then Delta State Col.
David Jung (from Benue State). The various panels set up by successive Delta
State governments such as the IDOKO COMMISSION came only to support a
predetermined position, which was and is still against the Itsekiri national
interest. The wards delimitation is in order and that the Ijaws are using
unconstitutional means to gain advantage.
The Ijaws in protest had boycotted the voters registration because the
materials were kept in Itsekiri towns and that the wards to be used does not
reflect the democratic and constitutional reality on the ground. Some
materials seized by protesting Ijaw youths were later retrieved by a
combined team of military operatives late last year, two youths were feared
dead.
But this crisis is not too no different from others before it, although the
scale of military deployment is far and beyond what was displayed in ODI (Bayelsa)
and ZAKI BIAM (Benue).
As we pointed out in the introductory part of this briefing paper, the
military hardware and personnel ought to be reserved for external enemies
not fellow citizens of Nigeria.
The deployment has led ICHR to suspect as follows:
The federal Government of President Olusegun Obasanjo is hiding under the smokescreen of the IRAQI CONFLICT to implement a genocidal agenda against the Ijaws of the Niger Delta. What the government did not finish in Odi they now want to accomplish in Okerenkoko, Gbaramatu and beyond. A war of this proportion will not receive international attention and of course condemnation at a time America and Allied forces are at War with Sadam in the Middle East.
The Oil companies are in agreement with this military campaign for two reasons: (a) To push up oil prices despite the OPEC concessions, all for profit motives (b) To secure and control all production and exploitative processes in this oil and gas rich region. Oil business in the Niger Delta has been less than friendly. Shell for example calls the protesting people of Okerenkoko and Gbaramatu ‘HOODLUMS’
To create chaos and scuttle the democratic process. We suspect fifth columnist at work. High civilian and military casualty in this easily resolvable conflict may lead to widespread disenchantment and thus portray governance institutions as highly unworkable. The military may therefore be said to be waiting to pounce.
Politically inspired campaign aimed at securing economic advantages. Campaign of this nature allows for economic adventurist to open windows of opportunities for continuing selfish agenda.
Resolving the ethnic, political and cultural problems of the Warri area through a military strategy of conquest, pacification or obliteration.
RECOMMENDATION :
Support dialogue and peaceful processes on the issues at stake. The dimensions of land, space and resource conflict is not what you foist on yourselves. It is all over Africa and elsewhere in resource endowed areas. You should count yourselves lucky and solve your problems, honestly and frankly as brothers. In Australia and America, indigenous people were wiped out.
Stop attacking each other’s communities, properties and persons.
The elite
among you the Ijaws, Itsekiri and Urhobos need not pursue selfish agenda.
Campaigns for social , environmental and economic justice must be all
inclusive and targeted at common problems. The Oil and gas companies
co-operate with the federal government to exploit you. Why can’t you
co-operate to take control of your land and space and therefore help your
people?
Stop all oil and gas production activities until acceptable peace is restored.
Stop the campaign of calumny against the people. Calling people whose land provides billions of dollars to you in profit ‘hoodlums’ and ‘criminals’ is just following a familiar script of corporate domination and control. The people of the Niger Delta are very familiar with such rhetoric’s, which are known to be precursors to genocidal actions.
Clean up the environment.
Compensate the people for losses incurred as a result of oil and gas activities.
Stop favouring one ethnic group against the other or dividing communities by collaborating with the elites to the detriment of the people.
Support activities aimed at rebuilding communal governance institutions destroyed by oil and gas activities and presence.
Stop the unilateral and unchallenged assessment of compensation claims. You cannot be the arbiter in a matter that you are more than a significant party.
Stop
undermining and eroding governance and survival strategies of local
communities, fishing, farming and trading.
Stop playing the ostrich on the Warri issue. Taking steps to promote equally and peaceful co-existence should be of high priority. The Federal Government is behaving as an imperial overlord.
Examine the various reports set up to look into this Warri matter and come out with an amicable solution.
Set up a truth commission that allows for unfettered access to information with a view to work towards reconciliation and justice.
Facilitate the convocation of a sovereign National Conference.
Investigate
activities of government officials, oil company executives, or officials
who may have played a role in the crisis.
1. Help
support dialogue and conflict resolution processes aimed at achieving
justice for all in the Warri area and elsewhere in the Niger Delta.
2. Put pressure on President Olusegun Obasanjo to stop using military
solutions in the Niger Delta generally.
3. Provide humanitarian aid to all victims of the ‘WARRI’ conflict.
4. Put pressure on all oil and gas companies in the matter of their
relationship with local people, the environment and the government of
Nigeria.
5. Stop military and other assistance to the Nigerian Military and Police
since such assistance are almost always used against our people.
6. Support genuine aid agencies involved in the change and governance issues
in the area.
7. Refuse to accept any person on asylum who is known to have participated
in the killing of innocent people.
8. Refuse to admit into your countries all military or Para-military
personnel who participate in perpetuating crimes against humanity in Warri,
Odi, Zaki biam or
elsewhere in the Niger Delta notably Ogoni.
Some oily facts to
note:
It was Ugbrodo, Ogidigben, Gbaramatu and Okerenkoko women who led and were part of the women protest that swept through the Delta and Bayelsa States last year. The protest led to several closures and a force majeure being declared by Chevron. The women’s war against oil companies followed earlier protest by youths, elders and communities all against oil companies principally Chevron and Shell.
Chevron’s operational base, tanks farm and production facilities are in the main located in the area of the present conflict-Escravos, Gbaramatu, Okerenkoko etc.
There is a military base near the Chevron’s Tank farm at Mandagho. At least two hundred military personnel reside there and are maintained by Chevron- feeding, allowances and transportation.
The Jones-creek flow STATION, the single largest oil production station onshore in Africa is located in Gbaramatu and daily production average one hundred and fifty thousand barrels a day. It is owned and operated by Shell.
The Jones-creek spewed over 20,000 barrels of crude oil into the environment on the 26th of March 1998. This was two months after a major spill from its IDOHO FACILITY which also impacted on the people of the area. The combined spill impact was too much for the communal and ecosystem survival. Life collapsed.
Mr. Wilson Oyibo was murdered at the Jones-Creek field and no satisfactory explanation has been offered by Shell.
The Ijaws and the Itsekiris are joint landlords to Chevron at the ABITEYE flow station where oil is been collected and pumped to Escravos tank farm for export.
On 30th April 1999, a tanker by name STRONG HAND ran aground at Escravos shoal very close to the tank farm opposite Ogidigben. The owners of the tank approached Gbaramatu indigenes for help to assist the tanker get afloat. When they arrived the scene on May 5th, three gunboats from Chevron’s Mandagho military base pursued the people from Gbaramatu. The military men later invaded Okpele-Ama and Opuedebubo and shot indiscrimately injuring three.
An Urhobo man from Aladja married to an Ijaw woman from Gbaramatu (Kunukunama) were abducted on May 9, 1999 with two of their children. No trace of this happy family to date. They are presumed dead. The abduction took place near Chevron facility at Escravos.
On January 4, 1999, Chevron conveyed soldiers from its Mandagho base to two Ijaw communities, Opia and Ikenya. The two communities were burnt down and a number of people including the traditional ruler of Ikenya were killed. Chevron’s helicopters, boats and other logistics were used for the operation.
On May 29, 1999, Sahara-Ama was burnt down by unknown persons. Sahara-Ama is an oil producting community under Chevron’s operational area.
Further
west communities such as Tsekelewu, Opuama etc have their land and forest
destroyed by Chevron in what is regarded as the biggest environmental
disaster in Nigeria."
The Ogoni People of Nigeria
The Ogoni are a people of approximately 500 000, who live in Ogoni, a region in Rivers State, Nigeria. The region of Ogoni only has an area of 650 square kilometers, resulting in a very high population density. Despite this high population density, the extraordinary fertility of the Niger delta has historically allowed the Ogoni to make a good living as subsistence farmers and fishing people. Currently, however, this lifestyle is being threatened. A MOSOP statement reads: "The once-beautiful Ogoni countryside is no more a source of fresh air and green vegetation. All one sees and feels around is death."
The threat to the Ogoni people started when Shell discovered oil there in 1958. At that time, Nigeria was still under British colonial rule, and the Ogoni had no say in the oil exploitation. With the coming of independence in 1960 the Ogoni situation did not improve - being a minority ethnic group in a country which has a current population of 88 million, the Ogoni have never had an effective say in Nigerian politics.
Nigeria - The Broader Situation
One of the factors hampering the Ogoni struggle is the organisation of the Nigerian state. Historically, the Nigerian region has been dominated by three large ethnic groups - the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Ibo. The British colonial government exploited this situation by ruling through the existing aristocracy, reinforcing the historical imbalances already present. The post-colonial history of Nigeria has been marked by massive instability, including a number of coups, as a result of conflict between these three groups. The smaller ethnic groups, such as the Ogoni, have been systematically excluded from positions of power. Furthermore, under the 1989 constitution, mineral rights in Nigeria are held by the federal government, a structure which has been unresponsive to Ogoni grievances even under 'democratic' governments.
When the Ogoni started their protests, Nigeria was ruled by the military dictatorship of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. Gen. Babangida held out the promise of democracy by calling a Presidential election in June 1993. The victory of Chief Moshood Abiola was, however, unnaceptable to the military regime, and power was handed over to a military appointed interim national government. This was, in turn, ousted by Gen. Sani Abacha, in November 1993. This succession of military governments led to the formation of NADECO (National Democratic Coalition) in May 1994. Abiola attempted to assert his power in June 1994 by declaring himself President, an action which resulted in his imprisonment for treason.
As the situation in Nigeria has deteriorated, so Gen. Abacha's regime has become more draconian. Between the 3rd and the 13th of March 1995, a number of active and retired military officers were arrested by Gen. Abacha, on charges of plotting a coup. Foremost amongst the arrested officers was General (Retd) Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo was head of state of Nigeria from 1976 to 1979, when he handed over power to a civilian government, the only Nigerian military leader ever to have done so. Since then he has played a leading role in international monitoring of African rulers, including being a high ranking member of the anti-corruption group Transparency International. Obasanjo has also been critical of the military regime in Nigeria.
The sentencing of Gen. Obasanjo and his co-accused took place in July 1995, amid yet another clampdown on pro-democracy activists. The accused were tried in a secret military tribunal, and the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) reviewed their sentences before they were made public. Though no information has officially been made public about the sentences, it is believed that Obasanjo was sentenced to life imprisonment, whilst Major-General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua and 13 others were sentenced to death.
Shell in Nigeria
'The flames of Shell are flames of Hell,
We bask below their light,
Nought for us to serve the blight,
Of cursed neglect and cursed Shell.'
- Ogoni SongShell operations in Nigeria are operated by the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) in a joint venture agreement with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Almost 14% of Shell's production - the greatest production outside the USA - comes from Nigeria. Since Shell started operations in Nigeria, Ogoni has yielded about 30 billion dollars in oil revenues. The Nigerian state is heavily dependent on oil sales, with oil accounting for around 80% of government revenue. In fact, the oil industry is at present the only part of the Nigerian economy which hasn't largely collapsed. (Although under Abacha's regime, the NNPC has been unable to meet its commitments to joint venture partners in the oil industry, largely due to Abacha's disastrous economic policy)
The environment effects of having more than 100 oil wells (most of which are Shell owned) in Ogoni territory have been severe. Between 1976 and 1991, almost 3000 separate oil spills, averaging 700 barrels each, occurred in the Niger delta. Response to oil spills is slow, and often very damaging. A major spill at Ebubu in 1970 was set alight, causing irreparable damage to the ground it spilled on. Though the area of the spill is unusable, and still leaks oil into surrounding water supplies, Shell has it recorded having been cleaned up twice. The more recent experience of Osaro Okochi, a farmer from Eleme, who was still waiting for a pipeline to be fixed 6 weeks after it started leaking, shows that Shell has not improved its record since.
Oil spills are not the only environmental disaster the Ogoni have to deal with. Gas flares, burning 24 hours a day (some of them for the last 30 years), are often situated near Ogoni villages. The villagers have to live with the constant noise of the flare, and the area is covered in thick soot, which contaminates water supplies when it rains. Air pollution from the flares results in acid rain and respiratory problems in the surrounding community. Shell pipelines pass above ground through villages and over what was once agricultural land. Despite Shell's claims to the contrary, no pipeline has ever been re-routed. A case in the UK, where a pipeline required 17 different environmental surveys before construction, highlights the extent of Shell's environmental racism in Ogoni - the Ogoni have never seen a single environmental impact assessment.
The Nigerian government echoes Shell's lack of concern for the effects that oil production have had on the Ogoni people. In response to enquiries from Katma Films during the making of 'The Drilling Fields', the Nigerian High Commission in London had this to say: "Ogoni land is one of the first places in Nigeria in which oil prospection was undertaken. It is, therefore, true to expect that the environmental impact could be more pronounced."
The Ogoni Struggle against Shell
'We either win this war to save our land, or we will be exterminated, because we have nowhere to run to.'
- Ken Saro-Wiwa, MOSOPTo protest against Shell's actions and the Nigerian government's indifference, the Ogoni people founded MOSOP, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People, in 1992, under the leadership of the Nigerian author, Ken Saro-Wiwa. This is how Saro-Wiwa has described their struggle: "The Ogoni people have now decided to make a last ditch stand against the government and against Shell that have ripped them off for the last 35 years." On Monday the 4th of January, 1993, 300 000 Ogoni staged a peaceful mass protest against Shell Oil and the environmental destruction of Ogoni land. This was timed to coincide with the start of the world year of indigenous people.
The situation in Ogoni soon deteriorated. As a response to the beating of a Shell worker in January 1993, Shell withdrew its staff from Ogoni. A memo from a February meeting of Shell in London cautioned Shell PA departments to keep each other informed to ensure to "avoid unpleasant surprises." Ken Saro-Wiwa was specifically mentioned in the memo. In April, Saro-Wiwa was subjected to continual military harassment, including being held at Port Harcourt International Airport for 16 hours without charge. April also saw the first use of major military force against Ogoni protests - on the 30th of April, 10 000 Ogoni people protested at Nonwa against the construction of a pipeline by the American contracting firm Willbros on behalf of Shell. They were fired on by Nigerian soldiers, wounding 10 people. Mrs Korgbara, whose land was being bulldozed to lay the pipeline, lost her arm in the incident.
Just 4 days later, Mr Agbarator Otu was killed when he was shot in the back by Nigerian soldiers whilst protesting work on the pipeline at Nonwa. Two weeks later, Ken Saro-Wiwa had his passport seized when trying to leave for London. On the eve of the Presidential elections of the 12 of June, Saro-Wiwa again had his passport seized by the Nigerian security service when he attempted to attend a UN Conference in London.
Meanwhile, the annulment of the Presidential election by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida plunged the country into chaos. The Ogoni had boycotted the election, refusing to vote for a government which would rule under a constitution which ignored minority rights. In the crackdown on pro-democracy forces which followed Babangida's annulment of the election, Ken Saro-Wiwa and other MOSOP leaders were arrested. A march by Ogoni people on Bori in protest resulted in the Second Amphibious Brigade - the same unit involved in the shooting at Nonwa - being called in from Port Harcourt. Indiscriminate beatings and arrests of Ogoni were reported. As a result of continuing protests by the Ogoni, Saro-Wiwa was charged with sedition and released on July the 22nd.
The campaign against the Ogoni now shifted from Saro-Wiwa to the Ogoni people themselves. Government soldiers sealed off Ogoni with roadblocks, and on 30 July, Ogoni police were drafted away from the area. Just 5 days later, in what the military described as an ethnic clash between Ogonis and Andonis, the town of Kaa was attacked. Danu Mark, an inhabitant of Kaa interviewed by Saro-Wiwa reported differently: "There was no quarrel between the Ogoni and the Andoni. This was all designed by the government." Moses Deekor, another Kaa resident, described the use of heavy weapons, dynamite and grenades to destroy houses in Kaa.
Due to growing discontent, Ibrahim Babangida was forced to resign on the 26th of August. The military appoint Ernest Shonekan, former director of Shell Nigeria, as interim president. Whilst rioters in Lagos demanded a return to democracy, a series of brutal attacks on Ogoni villages left 750 people dead and 30 000 homeless. Houses and property were destroyed, and economic trees cut down. Whilst the military still claimed the cause of the violence was an Ogoni-Andoni struggle, an eyewitness at Kpean stated that the attackers spoke a language which was not Andoni. Professor Claude Ake, from the UN World Commission on Development and Culture, was appointed to look into the cause of the attacks. According to Prof. Ake, "I don't think it was purely an ethnic clash, in fact there is really no reason why it should be an ethnic clash and as far as we could determine, there was nothing in dispute in the sense of territory, fishing rights, access rights, discriminatory treatment which are the normal causes of these communal clashes"
Before Prof. Ake could complete his investigation, however, a peace accord was drawn up involving 4 representatives from the communities involved, the state government, security agents, and Shell. Prof. Ake does not believe this was done in good faith, "It was done with unseemly haste, there was no attempt to show any humanitarian concern for those who were wounded those who were displaced. No programme of rehabilitation and they just told people well stop fighting thats it go home, in particular I felt that we should have looked closely into the intensity of the fighting and the military sophistication of the conflict because this did seem to suggest that what was involved was more than a community conflict. One could not help getting the impression that there were broader forces which might have been interested in perhaps putting the Ogonis under pressure probably to derail their agenda." Ken Saro-Wiwa refused to sign the peace accord, on the basis that it called for a resumption of economic activities, including Shell oil production. Saro-Wiwa demanded a commission of enquiry into massacres to allow a lasting peace.
Three weeks after the abortive peace accord, Shell claimed that they received a phone call about a fire outbreak at Korokoro flow station. Despite the tensions in Ogoni, Shell sent in firefighting trucks. Villagers in Korokoro were suspicious when these trucks arrived, since there was no fire, and denied the team access to the flowstation. A letter from Shell to the state government then claimed that the fire trucks had been seized, and stated: 'We regret to inform you of the attack on the team comprising 24 armed personnel and 2 drivers which went to Korokoro to dialogue with the chief of the community' As a result of the response, 1 villager was shot dead, and 2 sustained serious bullet wounds.
In November of 1993, a coup brought about by Gen. Sani Abacha led to the resignation of interim President Ernest Shonekan. The new military government appointed Col. Dauda Komo as Governor of Rivers State. Soon afterwards, on the 12th of December, another raid took place, this time in Port Harcourt. 63 people were killed, in attack which took place less than 2 miles from state police headquarters, over a period of 2 days. State police failed to intervene to help Ogoni people. Increased military pressure resulted in January 1994 celebrations of Ogoni week being canceled, except for a church service which took place surrounded by soliders. Ken Saro-Wiwa could also not attend the celebrations, since he was placed under house arrest on the 2nd of January.
By the end of January 1994, the eight major oil companies estimate their losses during 1993 at 200 million dollars, due to "unfavourable conditions in the areas of operation". They called for urgent measures to combat the situation. There is considerable evidence that Shell colluded with the Nigerian government in attacks on Ogoni people. Dauda Komo was reported in April 1994 to have said that soldiers had been directed to deal with agressive communities, and if necessary shoot trouble makers. That same month, a leaked memo from the Rivers State Commisioner of Police called for "the Nigerian Army, the Nigerian Airforce, the Nigerian Navy and the Nigerian Police" to "restore and maintain law and order in Ogoni land." The reason for this mobilisation was clearly stated in the memo: "the purpose of this operation order is to ensure that ordinary law abiding citizens of the area, non-indigenous resident of carrying out business ventures or schooling within Ogoniland are not molested". An even more sinister memo, dated May 12th 1994, refers to Shell directly: "Shell operations still impossible unless ruthless military operations are undertaken for smooth economic activities to commence." The document goes on to recommend the "wasting" of Ogoni leaders. This memo was signed by Lt. Col. Paul Okuntimo of the Rivers State Internal Security Task.
Okuntimo is also on record as having stated on American network television: "I will just take some detachments of soldiers; they will stay at four corners of the town. They have automatic rifles that sound as death... We shall surround the town at night... The machine gun with 500 rounds will open up and then we are throwing grenades and they are making eekpuwaa... and they know I am around. What do you think the people are going to do? We have already put roadblocks on the main road, we do not want anybody to start running... so the option we have made was that we should drive all these people into the bush with nothing except the pants and the wrapper they are using that night." These tactics are chillingly similar to Danu Mark's description of the massive use of force involved in the 'Andoni' attack on Kaa.
As massive violence failed to stop Ogoni protests, Sani Abacha targeted Ogoni leaders. In April 1994, 15 Ogoni leaders, including Ken Saro-Wiwa's brother, Dr. Owens Wiwa, were arrested. While military operations against the Ogoni continued, intervention by MOSOP leaders, including Ken Saro-Wiwa, resulting in the release on bail of some of those arrested. The Nigerian state targetted Saro-Wiwa, stopping him from attending Ogoni protests during April.
Ken Saro-Wiwa was seized from his home by armed forces at 1:00 am on the 22nd of May. On the 25th of May, Saro-Wiwa managed to smuggle out a statement from the Bori Military Camp where he was being held without charges against him. He rejected Col. Komo's allegations that he was involved in the murder of four Ogoni leaders - in fact, he was not in Ogoni at the time. Saro-Wiwa was held without charge for a number of months, before he was officially charged with the murder. He was denied legal representation or medical attention, even though he reportedly suffered 4 heart attacks during his time in detention.
Ken's trial was marked with irregularitions, including the failure of the state to present their evidence against Saro-Wiwa. As a result of this, Ken Saro-Wiwa's defence team withdrew late in June. On October 31, 1995, Ken Saro Wiwa was sentenced to death, along with eight of his co-trialists. The sentence immediately drew an international outcry by concerned persons and organisations, including Earthlife Africa, Amnesty International, Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace and others. Governments, however, were notable by their silence.
The Commonwealth conference held from the 9th of November was overshadowed by the issue of Ken Saro Wiwas sentence. Despite growing evidence that the Nigerian regime intended to speedily execute Ken, Commonwealth leaders, led by President Nelson Mandela, did not respond strongly. Mr Ken Wiwa, the son of the imprisoned MOSOP leader, failed to secure an audience with President Mandela, even when information was received that Ken's execution was immenent.
Ken Saro Wiwa was executed on a hastily built gallows in Port Harcourt on the morning of the 10th of November. His execution resulted in an international outcry, and the near-immediate suspension of Nigeria from the Commonwealth.
Shell's response to criticism
Shell's response to criticism has largely been to deny that there is a problem. Shell Nigeria's 1995 publication 'The Ogoni Issue' states "allegations of environmental devastation in Ogoni, and elsewhere in our operating area, are simply not true. We do have environmental problems but these do not add up to anything like devastation." Yet, in the same pamphlet, Shell admits to the existence of 3000 sites effected by drilling operations, spread across the Delta, the flaring of 1100 million standard cubic feet of gas a day, and the occurence of acid rain one month a year in the Delta. Maybe this does not count as devastatation to a large transnational like Shell, but to the people living with Shell it clearly does.
Shell further tries to exonorate itself by claiming that most of MOSOP's demands are "outside the business scope of oil operating companies and within the government's sphere of responsibility". Shell Nigeria strongly denies its complicity in the massacre of Ogonis, and claims that the authenticity of a Government House fact sheet linking Shell to military actions taken against the Ogoni "may be questioned". (No reasons for considering the document questionable are, however, given) The fact remains, however, that Shell Nigeria (ie. the SPDC), through its status as operator of the NNPC/Shell Nigeria joint venture, plays a highly significant role in the Nigerian economy. Its position is already such that it is a political player - as has been noted above, when Shell calls for aid in Ogoni, the military react, often with brutal force. And the basis of Ogoni demands is the environmental damage which results from Shell actions.
Shell further claims that the Nigerian legal system is the correct venue to resolve MOSOP's demands - yet it is precisely the Nigerian 'legal system' which has allowed Shell to continue its environmental devastation. The repressive political arena in Nigeria has directly benefited the economic arena within which Shell Nigeria operates.
The relationship between the economic and political aims of Shell internationally is seen in a comment made by John Drake of Shell South Africa, when asked to respond to the disparity between Shell South Africa's human rights ad campaign, and the actions of Shell in Nigeria: "The justification for Shell South Africa (Pty) Limited taking the position it did was that the legitimate business interests of our stakeholders in South Africa, including our employees, were prejudiced by the political system." In Nigeria, where Shell employees (eg. ex-director Ernest Shonekan) are favoured by the political system, political interests are clearly different.
Important actions in Support of the Ogoni Struggle
International sanctions against Nigeria
The execution of Ken Saro Wiwa and his eight co-trialists led to the suspension of Nigeria from the Commonwealth. Whilst this is an encouraging first step, and international leaders seem to have finally realised the nature of the Abacha regime, it is hardly an adaquate step.
It is vital that international pressure intensify. Diplomatic pressure in the form of suspension from the UN, and other bodies, is needed. A sports boycott of Nigeria is needed immediately. And most importantly, economic sanctions need to be imposed on Nigeria. As has been stated often before, the Nigerian dictatorship relies on its oil revenue to survive. A boycott of Nigerian oil is vitally needed.
Continuous pressure on Nigeria must be kep